By Lynne Ann Hartnett, Villanova University
Boris Yeltsin had been elected to the Congress of People’s Deputies in March 1989. He used nationalist sentiment to stake a claim to authority apart from Mikhail Gorbachev. On December 25, 1991, when Gorbachev resigned, the era of the USSR came to an end. In 1993, Yeltsin directed tanks to fire on the Russian Parliament, and in doing so, he set the stage for a new round of authoritarian rule.
Decline of Boris Yeltsin
Boris Yeltsin’s health deteriorated during the 1990s. Also, his approval ratings fell to less than 10 percent by the end of the decade. Still—with the rampant corruption he oversaw—those in ruling circles had an incentive to make sure that the next Russian president wouldn’t throw the lot of them in jail.
So, in the late summer of 1999, they plucked from obscurity a former KGB official, Vladimir Putin, who appeared to have been the choice of several oligarchs closely connected to Yeltsin. A few months later, Yeltsin himself resigned in a surprising New Year’s Eve address to the nation, and Putin became president.
The Rise and Rise of Vladimir Putin
Putin made himself into the non-Yeltsin. He used separatist violence that rattled the Caucasus as an excuse to increase a broader regional tendency toward authoritarian rule. For instance, a series of apartment bombings in 1999—when he was still Yeltsin’s prime minister—allowed Putin to employ strong-arm tactics, and renew the bombing of the Chechen capital of Grozny.
After becoming president, he took an increasingly tough stance on the war in Chechnya. His demeanor as a tough, no-nonsense ruler—who promised stability and safety to a country buffeted by a decade of turbulence and declining global prestige—appealed to the population.
Meanwhile, as the economy recovered from its 1998 nadir, Putin’s popularity grew. In the years to come, he would engineer a level of popularity rivaling the personality cult of Joseph Stalin.
He did so by presenting himself as the personification of Russian strength and power. He reached into Russia’s past to resurrect the ghosts of an earlier era—real or imagined—of stability, security, power, and prestige. And he promised to return Russia to this summit.
This article comes directly from content in the video series Understanding Russia: A Cultural History. Watch it now, on Wondrium.
Revival of Russian Nationality
More broadly, concepts of Russian nationality—and defensiveness—re-emerged on levels not seen since the reigns of tsars Alexander III and Nicholas II, in the late 1800s and early 1900s. These coalesced in Russia’s 21st century annexation of Crimea, and its meddling in Ukraine. In his own defense, Putin argues that the West—throughout history—is “constantly trying to sweep [Russia] into a corner”.
Putin has gone so far as to revive the idea of a Russian nation that is not coterminous with existing political borders. That’s to say, he seems to believe that Russia and its leaders have a blank check on which to draw to defend the interests of Russians, even beyond its territorial borders.
Putin also revived the Russian practices and principals of strong authoritarian leadership, a dynamic foreign policy, and a celebration of traditional Russian ideals in a manner strikingly reminiscent of past rulers like Ivan the Terrible during the 16th century, Catherine the Great in the 18th century, and, of course, Joseph Stalin.
Revival of the Russian Orthodox Church
Putin also propelled a revival of the Russian Orthodox Church—including its precepts of faith, loyalty to the hierarchy, and national identity—and an appreciation for Russia’s historical past extending beyond the Bolshevik revolution. These cultural currents facilitated the rebuilding of great historical structures like the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, and an appreciation for great literary figures, including Alexander Pushkin and Leo Tolstoy.
However, Putin also inspired the persecution of groups who didn’t conform to state-prescribed ideals. This has included the harassment—sometimes deadly—of journalists who challenged his status quo.
The political and cultural renaissance of Russia under Putin also led to renewed popular fondness for larger-than-life leaders like Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great, and Stalin again.
As one can see, the Romanov tsars may be long dead and buried, the Soviet Union may be gone for good, but beliefs rooted in Russia’s long history—and its rich culture—have endured.
Common Questions about the Rise of Vladimir Putin
Vladimir Putin‘s demeanor as a tough, no-nonsense ruler—who promised stability and safety to a country buffeted by a decade of turbulence and declining global prestige—appealed to the Russian population. He presented himself as the personification of Russian strength and power. He reached into Russia’s past to resurrect the ghosts of an earlier era of stability, security, power, and prestige.
Putin revived the Russian practices and principals of strong authoritarian leadership, a dynamic foreign policy, and a celebration of traditional Russian ideals in a manner strikingly reminiscent of past rulers like Ivan the Terrible during the 16th century, Catherine the Great in the 18th century, and, Joseph Stalin.
Putin propelled a revival of the Russian Orthodox Church—including its precepts of faith, loyalty to the hierarchy, and national identity—and an appreciation for Russia’s historical past extending beyond the Bolshevik revolution. These cultural currents facilitated the rebuilding of great historical structures like the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow, and an appreciation for great literary figures, including Alexander Pushkin and Leo Tolstoy.
